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&lt;p&gt;For more about this collection, &lt;a href="/exhibits/speccoll/exhibits/show/alvin-l--young-collection-on-a"&gt;view the Agent Orange Exhibit.&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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&lt;p&gt;For more about this collection, &lt;a href="/exhibits/speccoll/exhibits/show/alvin-l--young-collection-on-a"&gt;view the Agent Orange Exhibit.&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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oosoe

Author

Hickey, Gerald C.

National Academy of Sciences - National Research Cou

Tne E fects of

f
Herbicides in South Vietnam, Part B:
Working Papers, February 1974: Perceived Effects of
Herbicides Used in the Highlands of South Vietnam

Journal/Book Titlo
Year
Month/Day

Color
Number of Images

1974
February

n

25

Descripton Notes

Monday, January 22, 2001

Page 306 of 341

�3 &amp;°

"J K &lt;~

The Effects of
Herbicides in
South Vietnam
PART B: WORKING PAPERS
FEBRUARY 1974

Perceived Effects of Herbicides Used in the
Highlands of South Vietnam
GERALD C. MICKEY

NATIONAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCES
STATEMENT!"
Approved for public release;

�THE EFFECTS OF HERBICIDES IN SOUTH VIETNAM

PART B: WORKING PAPERS

FEBRUARY 1, 1971!-

Perceived Effects of Herbicides Used in the
Highlands of South Vietnam
GERALD C. HICKEY

D DC
MAY 29 1974

35E&amp;FE
D

NATIONAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCES - NATIONAL RESEARCH COUNCIL
WASHINGTON, D.C.

20^18

Approved for public release;
'DistributiQB Unlmfted

�Perceived Effects of Herbicides Used in the
Highlands of South Vietnam

a
GERALD C. HICKEY

The objectives of this research were threefold.

First, an effort

was made to determine whether highland villagers in affected areas had
actually observed aircraft spraying herbicide and, if observed, the
month and year of occurrence.

Second, an effort was made to probe into

the Highlanders' perception of what happened following the spraying—
whether they noticed any changes in the physical surroundings or any
unusual occurrences such as an abnormally large number of people falling
ill or dying, and similar developments among animals and fish.

Third,

the inquiry was directed at the villagers' evaluation of the effect of
the spraying—whether they saw any relationship between the herbicide
and some or all of the perceived changes.

DATA ON INFORMANTS

Location of Informants

One of the difficulties in gaining information on the effects of
the use of herbicides in the highlands is that for the most part the
spraying missions took place in relatively remote areas that have been

a

Dr. Hickey, a consultant to the Committee on the Effects of
Herbicides in Vietnam, is affiliated with the Southeast Asia Program,
Cornell University, Ithaca, New York 14850.

�inaccessible to investigators.

Since the beginning of the NVA-'VC offensive

at the end of March 1972, however, there have been massive movements of
villagers from the more distant areas into highland urban centers, notably
Kontum, Pleiku, and Ban-Me-Thuot, thus making available some residents of
sprayed areas in Kontum and Pleiku Provinces.

Finding the residents of sprayed areas, however, proved to be a timeconsuming task, particularly in the sprawling refugee centers in Kontum
and Pleiku.

A comprehensive analysis of the sprayed areas, correlated

with administrative units (provinces, districts, and villages), population,
and ethnic groups involved, was not available.

A listing of sprayed areas

with the administrative units and ethnic groups involved was available,
but it proved to be of very limited value since some pertinent districts
(such as Dak To in Kontum Province) were not included, some village names
were obviously incorrect, and some villages in the sprayed areas were not
included.

(Some of these shortcomings are more than likely due to the

errors in the mapping and the population shifts that have taken place in
the past decade.)

In order to approximate locations of sprayed areas in

the districts from which the refugees had come, it was thus necessary to
make a series of correlations using 1:100,000 scale spray overlays and
maps.
By using the names of villages found in regions believed to have been
affected, we located residents of sprayed areas in Dak To and Kontum
Districts of Kontum Province and the western districts of Pleiku Province
living

in refugee camps in Kontum,- Pleiku, and Darlac Provinces.

Just

outside Kontum City, another group of villagers was found from sprayed

�areas west of the city.

Still another group of villagers from Dak-Siang,

victims of an accidental spraying, was located in a refugee center in
Kontum Province.

Additional information on the effects of herbicides was provided by
a Hroy Highlander from Phu-Yen Province trained as an agricultural
engineer.

He witnessed some spray missions while carrying out his

assignment.

Three long interviews were conducted with this informant.

Characteristics of Informants

1.

Dam San Refugee Center, Darlac Province (November 1972)
a.

Long Djon 'Village located in the vicinity of Dak To
District Headquarters, Kontum Province. Sedang
informants.

Principal informants were two young

men and an older woman.
b.

Dak Rosa Village located in the vicinity of Dak To,
Kontum Province.

Sedang informants.

Principal

informant was an older man.
c.

Dak Tang Plun Village, located near Tan-Canh, Dak To
District, Kontum Province.

Halang informants.

Principal informants were several older men, several
women, and two younger men.
d.

Plei Ro-O Village, located in the vicinity of Polei
Kleng, some 30 km west of Kontum City.
informants.

Jarai Arap

Principal informants were a young man

(VC defector) and several women.

�2.

Mary Lou (Ngok Long) Refugee Center, Kontum Province
a.

Dak Mot-Khon Village, located west of Tan Canh, Dak To
District, Kontum Province.

Sedang informants.

Principal

informant was a village chief.
b.

Dak Mot-Tri Village, located west of Tan Canh, Dak To
District, Kontum Province.

Sedang informants.

Principal

informant was a hamlet chief.
c.

Dak-Siang Ranger Camp Dependents' Settlement, located
northwest of Dak To District headquarters, Kontum
Province.

Halang informants.

Principal informants

were a young woman, her father, an older man, and an
older woman.

3.

Plei Don Village Refugee Group
a.

Polei Krong cluster of villages located west of Kontum
City.

Jarai Arap, Halang, and Rengao informants.

Principal informants were three men—Jarai Arap,
Halang, and Rengao.
b.

Polei Krong cluster of villages located west of Kontum
City.

Jarai Arap, Halang, and Rengao informants.

Principal informants were Rengao and Jarai Arap older
men.

Several had participated in the above interview

with villagers from Polei-Krong.

4.

Prisoner of War Camp Refugee Center, Pleiku Province
a.

Polei Kleng, west of Kontum City (further west than
Polei Krong).

Jarai Arap informants.

Principal

�informants were a young hamlet chief, an older woman,
and an older man.
b.

Plei Jar Turn Village, located to the west of Polei Kleng
in western Kontum Province.

Jarai Arap informants.

Principal informants were five adults—three women
and two men.

5.

Camp Enari Refugee Center, Pleiku Province
Plei Ea Tung Hamlet, Plei Ngol-Drong Village, located in
the vicinity of the Edap Enang Resettlement Center, west
of Thanh An District headquarters on Route 19. Jarai
To~Buan informants.

6.

Principal informants were two men.

Highlander Agricultural Engineer
This respondent is a Hroy from highland Phu-Yen Province.

As a young man he followed the Viet Minn.

In 1954 he moved to the north

and was subsequently trained as an agricultural engineer at Hanoi
University.

In 1969, he returned to the Phu Tuc District headquarters of

Phu-Bon Province; he organized food production for the Viet Cong.

At the

time of the interview, he was a Viet Cong defector.

INTERVIEW METHOD

An interview technique with advice of interpreters was employed in
gathering data.

In the refugee camp in Darlac Province the interpreters

were a Sedang villager who translated into French and Bahnar villager
who speaks Sedang, and who translated into English.
camp leaders.

Both are refugee

In the refugee camp in Kontum Province, the interpreter

�was a Sedang villager who translated into English.

In one Pleiku refugee

camp, a Jarai villager translated from Jarai to English; in the other two
camps a Rhade villager translated from Jarai into English. All of these
interpreters are employed by the U.S. government.

A Rhade villager acted

as the translator in the interviews with the Hroy agricultural engineer.
At times direct communication was achieved in Vietnamese.
A brief orientation was given each interpreter, and terminology was
clarified.

Initial questions concerned settlement patterns, particularly

location1 of farming areas, type of crops grown, and such economic
activities as hunting and fishing.

Inquiry was then made into the

informant's perception of the spraying—starting with whether he actually
saw the aircraft—and its effects, described in his own words as much as
is possible under these circumstances.

Second interviews were conducted

with informants in the Dam San Refugee Center in Darlac Province, and with
the group at Plei Don in Kontum Province.

All of the informants were very

responsive, and although their quantitative information was vague, their
perceptions regarding the effects of the spraying appear to have been very
clear and well-articulated.
While some questions concerning farming and crops were posed, most
of the information on the traditional agricultural practices of these
groups already was contained in ethnographic notes compiled since 1965.
CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK

As farmers who rely for survival on successful exploitation of
their physical surroundings, the highland people of SVN have acquired

�extensive knowledge of the local flora, fauna, aquatic life forms, soils,
and water.

Their languages reflect this, with vocabularies containing

a wide range of words for all of these categories.

Their traditions,

too, manifest the rich experience they have had in growing diverse crops,
in gathering wild food, medicinal plants, bark, and roots, and in the
selection of forest products for house construction and fabrication of
artifacts.

Since they live close to nature, the Highlanders readily detect any
changes in the physical ecology.

Normally, such changes are much discussed

among the villagers in the light of past experiences.

The cause of a

given change may be defined as physical (they can identify numerous
kinds of blights) or occult (such as the wrath of the spirits), and these
latter judgments usually rest with older, wiser members of the group.
The observations of these individuals normally become knowledge shared
with all members of the group.

AGRICULTURAL PRACTICES

Among the highland people of SVN a wide variety of agricultural
practices is found,ranging from Vietnamese-style wet rice paddy farming

a
to swidden

farming.

All of the villagers interviewed in this study rely

a
This form of agriculture also is known variously as slash-and-burn,
primitive horticulture, field-forest rotation, shifting-field agriculture,
and brand tillage, as well as by such local names as ray (the term used in
most French and Vietnamese literature on the highlands of Vietnam). The
revived English dialect word swidden for "burned clearing" has been
favored in a number of recent works; it has the dual advantage of being a
general designation not linked to any particular region, and it can be
used as a noun.

�on the swidden technique, and this also was the method employed in Viet
Cong food production in phu-Yen Province as described by the Hroy
respondent.

Although the swidden farming techniques vary from group to group,
there are some common basic characteristics, particularly among the groups
in Pleiku and Kontum.

Essentially, swidden farming in highland SVN is a

system of rotating agriculture wherein a given field is cleared, the cut
wood burned, and the clearing then farmed for a duration of years that
depends on the adjudged fertility of the soil.

The field then is left

fallow until a new growth of trees appears, and eventually it is farmed
again.

Among the Jarai, Halang, Rengao.. Sedang, and Hroy, the work of
preparing the fields for farming usually begins in January or February.
Men perform the heavier tasks such as felling trees (large trees normally
are left standing) while women and children cut the brush.
has dried, it is raked together and burned.

When the wood

The larger logs are set

ablaze, and the fires are controlled as much as possible.

When the rains

begin, normally in mid-April or early May, the crops are planted; the men
make holes in the ground with dibble sticks while the women follow up to
plant the seeds.

The staple crop is upland dry rice, and several varieties with
varying maturity periods (usually three to six months) are planted by all
of the groups.

Also, maize is cultivated in the swiddens as are a number

of secondary crops.

These include manioc (a major crop in the Phu-Yen

�Province Viet Cong food production), sugarcane, bananas, pineapples,
eggplant, onions, yams, cabbage, chili peppers, and various kinds of
tuber plants.

Papaya trees are planted around the edge of the swidden.

Many of these same crops are grown in the village kitchen gardens, which
may also contain tobacco, green leafy vegetables, and lemon grass.
some villages, coconut and mango trees are grown.

In

Small temporary

structures are built near the swiddens so the young men can guard the
fields against marauding animals during the growing season.

PERCEPTIONS OF THE INFORMANTS

In most of the interviews the informants claim to have seen the
actual spraying, although there were some vague responses concerning
the timing of the operations.

Informants from Dak Mot-Khon (Interview

2a listed in Characteristics of Informants) and Dak Mot-Tri (2b),
discussing the same defoliated area in Dak To District to the northwest
of their settlements, reported that they had not seen the aircraft
spraying, but they gave similar accounts regarding the effects.

Those who did witness the spraying were able to describe the type
of aircraft and the pattern of the spraying.

In the Dak To area of Kontum

Province, informants from Long Djon Village (la) noted that there had been
many spraying operations in the vicinity since 1967, and they had seen the
"large aircraft, each with two engines" that passed over "three in a row."
This was repeated by informants from Dak Rosa (Ib), which is not far from
Long Djon, as well as by villagers from Dak Tang Plun (Ic), Polei-Krong
(3a,b), Plei Jar Turn (4b), and Plei Ngol-Drong (5).

The Hroy agricultural

�engineer (6) was a more sophisticated informant, since he had been
prepared in Hanoi for the possibility of herbicide missions against his
food production, and he knew that the aircraft were C-123's.

At Dak Siang

Ranger Camp (2c), the informants reported the spraying had been done by a
helicopter, and this was verified by a former U.S. Special Forces officer
who had been stationed at Dak Siang and now is employed as a civilian
with the USAID mission in Kontum.

Villagers from Polei Kleng (4a) also

reported that the spraying was carried out by helicopters.

Some informants were very explicit about seeing the spray leaving
the aircraft. An elderly lady from Long Djon Village (la) said that
"it looked like smoke" and it came from both sides of the aircraft, and
this was repeated by villagers from Dak Rosa (Ib).

Informants from

Polei Krong (3a,b) reported that the spray looked like water, and one
man from Plei Ro-O (Id) in the Polei Kleng area noted that "it looked
like rain" but when it reached the ground they found it looked black.
Informants from Dak Siang (2c) even noticed that a tube protruded from
the helicopter, and it turned and began to spew a liquid.

At Polei Kleng

(4a) the villagers said that they watched the spray descend, and that
they could smell it.

In none of the interviews did it appear that there was a deliberate
attempt to spray the settlements themselves, although in some instances
the villagers' swiddens appear to have been targets.
however, the spray drifted into the settlements.

In most cases,

Informants from Long

Djon (la) noted that during one of the many missions in that area (Dak
To District, Kontum Province), their swiddens were sprayed, and herbicide
was.carried into the settlement.

Villagers from Dak Rosa (Ib) complained

that they and villagers from neighboring Kon Briong farmed about 30

10

�swiddens in the area, and all were sprayed several times over a period of
several months.

The villagers from Dak Siang (2c) described the way some

of the spray drifted into their housing area following the accidental
spraying of their fields.

One informant from Polei Kleng (4a) noted that the spraying took
place over a thickly-forested area northwest of the village and farming
area.

It was an area the villagers avoided because it was known to be

VC-controlled.

Villagers from Polei Krong (3a,b) watched the aircraft

spray both sides of the Dak Bla River near the settlements.

Informants

from Plei-Ngol-Drong (5) reported that the spraying was along Route 19.
According to the agricultural engineer (6), the first spraying took
place in September 1969, and was aimed at the swiddens in the area,
some of which were being farmed by villagers.

Most, however, were

part of an area where there was concentrated food production for the
VC.

The second spraying in March 1970 was along a trail used

exclusively by the VC.

With the exception of two villages—Dak Mot-Khon (2a) and Dak MotTri (2b)—where no spraying was observed by the residents, the first
effects reported concerned humans, domestic animals, and aquatic life.

Perceived Effects on Humans

There was a definite pattern in the perceptions regarding the effect
of the herbicides on those residing in or near the sprayed areas.

The

most common symptoms reported were abdominal pains and diarrhea.
Informants from Long Djon (la) also reported that in addition to these

11

�symptoms, the villagers complained of experiencing a stinging sensation
in their nasal passages just after the spray drifted into the settlement.
Many developed coughs that lasted more than a month.

At Dak Rosa (Ib),

according to some residents, many villagers went into the swiddens
following the spraying, and in addition to the common symptoms noted
above, these people broke out with skin rashes that lasted many weeks.
Dak Tang Plun (Ic) residents also reported widespread skin rashes,
cramps, diarrhea, and fevers.

A Plei Ro~0 (Id) informant reported

these same symptoms, noting that some villagers coughed blood.

Polei Krong (3a,b) informants stated that the villagers suffered
these same ailments, and that the skin rashes looked "like they had
been burned, with small blisters all over the red areas."

Dak Siang

(2c) informants noted that after some of the villagers drank from the
stream which was in the sprayed area, they became ill with abdominal
pains and diarrhea that lasted for days.

They also reported that some

villagers had eaten bamboo shoots from the sprayed area, after which
they became dizzy "like you feel when you have drunk too much from the
wine jar,"

and this was followed by vomiting.

Polei Kleng (4a)

residents, according to one informant, fell ill with abdominal pains,
diarrhea, vomiting, and fever within one day after the spraying, and
Plei Jar Turn (4b) villagers with the same symptoms went to get medical
assistance at a local dispensary.

The agricultural engineer (6) had been prepared in his Hanoi
training for the possible use of herbicides by the U.S. and the South
Vietnamese.

The principal propaganda theme was that the Americans have

12

�no regard for human life, and they were using dangerous chemicals to kill
plant and animal life.

He had been instructed what to do if herbicides

were sprayed; he was told to obtain a gas mask, and, if one were not
available, to cover his face with a wet cloth.

To save some of the food

crop he was to instruct the villagers to cut the manioc roots as soon as
possible and wash them well before cooking them.

When the spraying did

occur he followed the instructions regarding salvaging the manioc roots,
and the only villagers who became ill with abdominal cramps and diarrhea
were those who had not been told what to do.

Some of the VC cadre who

came into the area after the spraying ate some manioc roots and drank
water from the affected areas, and they also developed abdominal pains
and diarrhea.

A difficult area of inquiry concerned possible deaths due to the
herbicides.

Sickness and death are common occurrences in highland

villages, and infant mortality is particularly high.

Some of the

informants expressed the opinion that there was an unusually high
number of deaths, particularly among children, following the spraying.
However, they were very cautious in concluding that the spraying affected
childbirth.

Informants from Long Djon (la), had reported a stinging in the
nasal passages just after the spray drifted over the settlement, and this
was followed by villagers being afflicted with coughs.

They added that

more children than adults were affected, and that "many children died."
The victims developed skin rashes, and those with rashes that did not
clear up died.

One elderly lady noted that she knew of one stillborn

13

�case following the spraying, but she could not say whether it was due to
the herbicide (she, like other informants,, always pointed out that stillbirths were not unusual in their villages).

At Dak Rosa (Ib), informants

attributed the outbreak of skin rashes to the fact that many villagers
went into the swiddens following the spraying.

They also noted that some

women carried their small children on their backs in the fields, and they
brushed against leaves containing the "medicine" that had been sprayed.
Some of these children subsequently developed bad rashes all over their
bodies.

They looked, the informants said, "like insect bites," and all

the victims died.

One informant knew of three such deaths.

Another

informant reported knowing of five stillbirths after the mothers,
during pregnancy, had worked in the sprayed swiddens.

The informants

felt that there was an unusually high number of such deaths following
the spraying.

Dak Tang Plun (Ic) informants reported that "many children" became
ill with abdominal pains, diarrhea, fever, coughs, and skin rashes after
the spraying, and they estimated that 30 had died.

A Plei Ro-0 (Id)

informant described all of these symptoms, with the exception of the
skin rash, as having affected many children in the settlement following
the spraying.

He claimed that 38 children died, and villagers thought

that they had eaten plants from the sprayed areas.

Informants from Polei Krong (3a,b) reported that a higher than
usual number of children in their villages died in the period following
the spraying, but they could not say how many.

One Rengao village chief

said that in the week after the spraying, "two children died one day and

�two died the next day."

Their symptoms were abdominal cramps, diarrhea,

and skin rashes, which, as noted above, were described as having the
appearance of burns "with small blisters."

Dak Siang (2c)

informants

felt that the children who died were the ones who drank from the stream
following the spray mission.
following day.

They fell ill the first day and died the

"Their skin was the color of green in the leaves," one

woman noted, and another added that their faces swelled "as if they had
been in a fist fight."

Informants from Polei Kleng (4a) reported that many villagers of
all ages fell ill with abdominal pains, diarrhea, and vomiting within one
day after the spraying.

They estimated that around 40 people—adults and

children—died after manifesting these symptoms.
that she had seen four children die.

One old woman said

Plei Jar Turn (4b) villagers

described these same symptoms, and they claimed that five residentsfour children and one adult—died.

At Plei Ngol-Drong (5), according

to informants, some people died within two days after the spraying.
They could not say how many, but they had the symptoms noted above,
and they broke out with skin rashes that resembled chicken pox.

Perceived Effects on Animal Life

Most of the informants interviewed reported widespread deaths among
their domestic animals following the spraying.

The Long Djon (la)

informants noted that since they were refugees they had few animals, but
most of their chickens and pigs died shortly after the spraying, and the
Dak Rosa (Ib) villagers reported the same thing.

Informants from

�Dak-Tang-Plun (Ic) said that all of their chickens, most of their pigs,
and some of their cattle died, and the young man from Plei Ro-0 (Id)
reported the same thing, specifying that this occurred within four or
five days after the spraying.

He also noted that villagers found a

number of dead wild animals, particularly wild boar, in the nearby
forests.

Polei Krong (3a,b) informants also pointed out they found

dead wild boar in the forest.

They, too, saw all of their chickens,

pigs, dogs, and small cattle die, although the big cattle survived.
Both the Polei Kleng (4a) and the Plei Jar Turn (4b) villagers said
that their pigs, dogs, and chickens died, and the latter added that
they also lost cattle.

Plei Ngol Drong (5) informants reported that

all of their pigs, chickens, dogs, goats (they noted that goats are
"very strong"), and cattle died.

One man observed that the cattle

that died first were afflicted with sores around the mouth.

They also

said that they found dead deer and wild boar in the nearby forests.

Perceived Effects on Aquatic Life

Highland villages normally are located near streams or rivers from
which the residents draw water for drinking and cooking.

They also wash

clothes and bathe and water their domestic animals in the nearby water
courses, which also provide fish, an important part in the Highlander's
diet.

Responses concerning perceived effects on the aquatic life in the

streams varied more than did those regarding the effects on humans and
animals.

Long Djon (la) villagers were not sure whether the dead fish floating
on the neighboring stream were caused by the spraying, because the many

16

�soldiers in the area commonly threw grenades in the streams to get fish,
so the abundance of dead fish was not an unusual sight.

Dak Rosa (lb)

residents said they did not perceive any changes in the nearby stream.
The interview with Dak Tang Plun (lc) villagers was interrupted before
any questions could be posed regarding fish.

One Plei Ro-O (Id) informant,

however, reported that there were a great many dead fish seen in streams
close to the settlement following the spraying.

Most of the fish appeared

to be swollen, and after villagers ate them they became ill with abdominal
pains and diarrhea.

Residents of Dak Mot-Khon (2d) had not witnessed any

spraying nor did they report an effect on humans and animals, but they
did see an unusually large number of dead and dying fish in the Dak Kla
River near the village.

American military personnel from Tan Canh warned

them not to eat the fish, and subsequently, they said, the Americans put
some "medicine" in the water.

Then they were informed they could eat the

river fish, and they did so with no ill effects.

Informants from Dak Mot-

Tri (2b) had not seen any spraying nor did they experience any ailments
or deaths among the villagers or their stock, but they, too, noticed a
great many dead fish in the nearby river.

Some villagers did cook and

eat some of them but they reported no ill effects.

The informants from Polei Krong (3a,b) reported that after the
spraying they noticed a large number of dead and dying fish floating on
the surface of the Dak Bla River, and they specifically noted that the
gills of some dead fish were blackened or reddish in color.

Some

villagers ate fresh dead or dying fish, and most of them became ill with
swollen abdomens and diarrhea.

17

Villagers at Polei Kleng (4a) said that

�there was a small stream near the settlement but there were no dead fish
in it following the spraying.

Plei Jar Turn (4b) villagers, however,

said that the aircraft sprayed the banks of the Dak Bla River near the
village, and afterwards a very large number of fish began to float to
the surface.

They noticed blood and a reddish discoloration around the

gills, and when some villagers cut into them there was a strange explosive
effect which they likened to the striking of a match.
them, and they did not eat these fish.

This frightened

Some villagers did eat fish that

were dying, and they experienced no ill effects.

Informants from Plei

Ngol Drong (5) reported that dead fish appeared on the surface of the
nearby stream, and those who ate them became ill with abdominal pains
and diarrhea.

Perceived Effects on Plant Life

Responses regarding the perceived effects on plant life were highly
patterned.

Long Djon (la) informants noted that over a period of weeks

following the spraying they observed plants wilting and dying. Where
the spray fell directly, all of the crops in the swiddens died, and in
kitchen gardens where some herbicide drifted, the plants wilted and did
not continue to thrive.

They said they did not know what was causing

this but they suspected it was the "medicine" that had come from the
aircraft and stung their nasal passages.

They only gathered wild roots

and tubers from areas not sprayed, and they washed them before eating
them.

Dak Rosa (Ib) informants reported that some of the spraying occurred

18

�over their swiddens, and very soon afterwards the banana plant leaves
wilted, and the plants died.
and the eggplants as well.

This also happened to the manioc plants

Some villagers dug up the manioc roots

which seemed to be unaffected, but when they cut into them, they were
"rotten."

Some villagers gathered manioc leaves that had not wilted,

and boiled and ate them, but they became ill with abdominal pains
and diarrhea.

Rice plants that had not died continued to grow, but they

did not produce buds.

At Dak Tang Plun (Ic) the informants noted that

there was spraying over some of the swiddens in which they cultivated
upland dry rice, maize, manioc, eggplants, and pumpkins, and all of
these crops died.

One old man pointed out that in the forests to the

west of the village, in the vicinity of the Ben Het Camp (had been
Special Forces and converted to a Ranger Camp), there were "many Viet
Cong" and the spray killed the smaller plants and brush, but while the
leaves on the larger trees wilted and died, the trees remained alive.
They had never seen anything like this before, and they decided that
they could not eat any of the surviving plants (the rice had just begun
to bud and the manioc was tall) or roots in the affected area.

The principal Plei Ro-O (Id) informant reported that the villagers
grew upland dry rice, maize, manioc, eggplant, and cucumbers in their
swiddens, and that all of the crops died where there had been air
drifting of spray.

At Dak Mot-Khon (2a) and Dak -Mot-Tri (2b) there had

been no spraying, but the area to the northwest of the villages had been
sprayed, and the informants noted that all of the vegetation had "dried
and died,"

It was an area where residents of both villages hunted and

19

�gathered forest products, but following the spraying they avoided it.
One elderly man from the Dak Siang (2c) dependents' settlement described
how he had two swiddens in which he cultivated upland dry rice, manioc,
maize, sugar cane, and banana trees&gt; and with the spraying all wilted
and died.

All of the crops where the spray fell "dried and died."

As

noted previously, informants reported that some villagers ate bamboo
shoots from the sprayed area and experienced dizziness followed by
vomiting.

At Polei Krong (3a,b), according to the informants, villagers
cultivated upland dry rice, maize, manioc, bananas, sugarcane, and
pineapples in their swiddens.
chili peppers,

In kitchen gardens they grew tobacco,

eggplants, papaya trees, and orange trees.

The spray

drifted over the fields and gardens, reaching them in varying degrees
of strength.

Where it was strongest, all of the plants and trees died

within about one month.

The leaves on the fruit trees "rolled up,"

while the plants appeared to be drying up, in both swiddens and gardens.
In the swiddens and gardens where the spray was not strong the rice did
not thrive as it normally would have, and the fruit trees did not bear
edible fruit.

It was indicated previously that some villagers went into

the fields to cut manioc roots and bamboo shoots, which they ate, and
subsequently they got diarrhea.

At first the villagers thought a natural

blight was affecting the plants but a highland soldier from Kontum
informed them that the Americans and the government were spreading
"medicine" from aircraft to kill forest where the VC were hiding and
crops the VC were growing.

20

�Polei Kleng (4a) informants report the same pattern as that noted
above; where the spray was strong all of the crops in the swiddens and
kitchen gardens died, but plants survived in the less affected areas.
Still, the rice did not flourish, and ripening fruit fell from the trees.
Informants from Plei Jar Turn (4b) simply reported that all of the crops in
the fields on which the spray fell died.

Villagers from Plei Ngol-Drong (5) reported that they cultivated
upland dry rice, maize, manioc, yams, pineapples, bananas, and papaya in the
swiddens, and in kitchen gardens they grew chili peppers, several varieties
of green leafy vegetables, and cabbage.

Where spray fell directly, the

leaves on the trees and plants "rolled up" and died, and then the plants
died.

One man noted that in some swiddens the yams died but some of the

rice plants did not wither, although they produced no buds.

Rahlan-Soa (5)

reported that in the sprayed areas all of the trees were affected, and
the first change was that their leaves died.
survived.

He added that the low brush

Big trees, however, died, and later they were cut for firewood.

All or most of the crops in the sprayed swiddens died; this even precipitated
a serious food shortage for the VC.

They moved further to the north where

there was a manioc crop, but it caused a delay in some of their planned
operations.

Adjudged Effects

Responses concerning the adjudged effects on the soil varied
considerably.

Villagers from Long Djon (la) said that about one month

after the spraying they noticed sprouts appearing in affected areas where

21

�the plants had died.

They were not convinced, however, that this meant

they could replant, so they shifted their farming to new swiddens.

Dak

Rosa (]b) informants saw the sprouts appear in "two or three months" and
they felt that it was a sign that they could farm the swiddens again.
Some of the Dak Tang Plun (Ic) villagers tried to re-farm their affected
swiddens, but the leaves that sprouted on the plants were shriveled, and
they know that such plants do not produce good fruit or vegetables.

Most

villagers, they said, felt that since all of the crops had died in some
fields, the soil would not be good for a long time.

One Plei Ro-0 (Id)

informant reported that the villagers judged that since the effects were
so bad, the soil could not be good, so they shifted to new farming sites.

Polei Krong (3a,b) informants reported that the villagers, who had
been told the source of the spray by a highland soldier from Kontum, in
some cases did replant their swiddens.
still replanted again.

The crops were not good, but some

When the March 1972 Offensive began, however, they

had to abandon their fields.

The agricultural engineer informant had done some study in Hanoi on
the chemicals being used in the herbicides, and he said he knew which affect
plants and which affect humans and animals.

He judged that the chemicals

being used in the food production area in which he was located were intended
for plant destruction, and while some people became ill, it would only be a
temporary event without lasting effects.

He thought that one type of

herbicide being used contained a chemical that actually had a beneficial
effect on the soil.

It remained in the soil as a residue and broke down

so that the soil fertility increased.
22

�RECOMMENDATIONS

The deleterious effects of the use of herbicides strongly
indicated in the informants' response patterns were totally
unanticipated in this research effort.

These patterns suggest

that there were some harmful effects on humans, animals , and
fish.

This research study has been preliminary, however, and

considerably more investigation should be conducted.
(1) This further research should cover a wider geographical
area, and hopefully the cease-fire areas hitherto
inaccessible would be open to investigators.
(2) A team of Highlander interpreters could be formed, and
they should be given more extensive preparation.

This

would facilitate probing more deeply into the effect of
the herbicides on specific types of plants and fish.
These teams should include individuals capable of
speaking several Highlander languages, so that they could
be used regionally.

23

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&lt;p&gt;For more about this collection, &lt;a href="/exhibits/speccoll/exhibits/show/alvin-l--young-collection-on-a"&gt;view the Agent Orange Exhibit.&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Hickey, Gerald C.</text>
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                <text>1974-02-01</text>
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                <text>The Effects of Herbicides in South Vietnam, Part B: Working Papers, February 1974: Perceived Effects of Herbicides Used in the Highlands of South Vietnam</text>
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                <text>Ranch Hand</text>
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                <text>civilian impact</text>
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                    <text>Item ID Number

°0307

Author

Carrier, Joseph M.

Corporate Author

National Academy of Sciences - National Research Cou

Tne

Effects of Herbicides in Sounth Vietnam, Part B:
Working Papers, February 1974: The Location of
Herbicide Missions and Mickey's Informants in South
Vietnam: An Appraisal

Journal/Book Title
Year

1974

Month/Day

February

Color

' '

Number of Images

is

Descripton Notes

Monday, January 22, 2001

Page 307 of 341

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(AUTHOR. TITLE. P E R I O D I C A L TITLE. VOLUME. Y E A R . PACE. E T C . )

Carrier, J. M.
[The location of herbicide missions and Rickey's informancts
in South Vietnam: an appraisal.]
(The effects of herbicides in South Vietnam. Part B.
Working papers. Washington, B.C.; National Academy of
Sciences ( 9 4 , 15 pp)
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�THE EFFECTS OF HERBICIDES IN SOUTH VIETNAM

PART B: WORKING PAPERS

FEBRUARY

The Location of Hcirbicido Missions and jjickey's
Informants in South Vietnam: An Appraiaal , , /
-,

f

v''

ft

JOSEPH M. CARRIER

11974

NATIONAIj ACADIMY OF SCIENCES - NATIONAL RESEARCH COUNCIL
WASHINGTON, D.C.

;-?0'll8

�The Location of Herbicide Missions and Rickey's
Informants in South Vietnam: An Appraisal

a

JOSEPH M. CARRIER

This report presents the available data on herbicide missions
carried out in the vicinity of the villages of Flighlanders used by

b
Hickey as informants for a paper on the perceived effects of
herbicides in the highlands of South Vietnarr (SVN) . Some comments on
mission objectives and support contained in herbicide proposals
submitted by RVN province chiefs and in memoranda submitted by
various U.S. officials are also presented.

LOCATION OF INFORMANTS' VILLAGES

All but one of Hickey's informants were originally from villages
located in Kontum and Pleiku Provinces.

One informant, a South Vietnamese

Highlander who had returned south from North Vietnam in 1969, was stationed
in an NLF food production area astride the border between Phu-Yen and PhuBon Provinces.

Figures 1 and 2 show the approximate locations of informants'

villages; Figure 3 indicates the location of the NLF food production area.

It is important to note that the location of informants' villages
presented in Figures 1 and 2 are shown as being in an approximate "area"

a
Dr. Carrier was a Staff Officer with the Committee on the Effects
of Herbicides in Vietnam. His present address is 17447 Castellammare
Drive, Pacific Palisades, California 90272.
b
See Hickey, G.C. Perceived effects of herbicides used in the
highlands of South Vietnam, Part B of the Report on the Effects of
Herbicides in South Vietnam.

�Boundary:

i.

District — — —itVillage

10
Scale:

1:250,000

Kilometers

FIG. 1. Informant settlement areas and herbicide missions in Kontum Province.
Key to special targets
August 1968
August 1968
August 1968
August 1967
November 1968
May 1969

800
100
100
1100
200
770

gallons
gallons
gallons
gallons
gallons
gallons

White
White
White
Blue
White
White

NLF cache site
Military base perimeter
Military base perimeter
Crop destruction
Military base perimeter
Military base perimeter

�0
Kilometers

Scale: 1:250,000
Boundary:
Village

FIG. 2.

Settlement Areas of Informants and Herbicide Missions in Pleiku Province.
Key to Special Targets
Agent Orange (5 missions)
1-5. November 6-30, 1965 - 5800 gallons - Defoliation near Highway
Agent White
550 gallons
Enemy cache site
6. September 27, 1968
100 gallons
Crop destruction
7. October 24, 1968
100 gallons
Military base perimeter
8. October 28, 1968
Military base perimeter
9. October 29, 1968
100 gallons
100 gallons
Military base perimeter
10. November 1, 1968
Military base perimeter
220 gallons
11. June 10, 1969

a

Only one target coordinate given for each mission.

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Scale:

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miomcters

FIG. 3.

The MLF Food Production Area Phu Yen/Phu Bon Border Region.

�rather than at a specific site.

This was necessary for several reasons.

First, during the period of intensive herbicide spraying from 1967 to
1970, many of the informants had to move from their native villages
because of the intense fighting that enveloped them or occurred nearbyseveral more than once.

(In Kontum, one-half of the province's

population was reported to have been resettled as refugees by the end
of 1970; in Pleiku, close to one-third.)

Second, there is the problem

of phonetically transcribing the names of villages elicited verbally
from informants.

Maps showing the names of villages have employed

several different phonetic transcription systems.

One cannot be

absolutely sure, therefore, that a given map name and elicited name—•
even if quite similar—represent the same village site.

Third, and

last, the elicited names, transcription problems aside, may not
pinpoint the exact site of the informants' villages.

The principal

reason for this is the historical fact that both the French and
ethnic Vietnamese used different naming systems in establishing
administrative control over the people of the highlands.

Province

and district names assigned to specific geographic areas present no
problem.

Subunits, however, created by the French and Vietnamese as

a controlling device between the district administrative unit and the
traditionally named highland settlement, do add to the difficulty of
locating a given named site.

The French divided the "districts" they

created into several "cantons."

Each canton enclosed a number of

villages and was named after one of the important villages enclosed.
The ethnic Vietnamese then superimposed their system , which subdivided

�the cantons.

The Vietnamese conceptualize a "village" as covering a

relatively large geographic area containing three or more settlements.
Cantons were thus divided into Vietnamese-defined villages, each of
which enclosed several Highlander settlements.

The Vietnamese-created

"village" was named after one of the settlements enclosed.

The outcome

of all these administrative subdivisions is that a name elicited from an
informant may be the traditional name of the settlement and/or the subunit
name imposed either by the French or ethnic Vietnamese.

The following are

shown in Figures 1 and 2 both as names of settlements and village areas:
Dak-Rosa, Plei-Kleng, Plei-Krong, and Plei-Ngol-Drong.

LOCATION AND TIMING OF HERBICIDE MISSIONS

The location and timing of herbicide missions in the vicinity of
Hickey's informants are presented in Figures 1-3 and Tables I-IV.

Both

the List of 202 Tasks Realized from January 1962 to September 1965 and
the DOD computer printout of herbicide missions from the fall of 1965 to
the end of the program (File Tape No, C274) were searched for missions
carried out in the vicinity of the informants.
were also searched for relevant information.

The MACV mission files
They contain the herbicide

proposals made by RVN province chiefs, responses and comments made by
U.S. officials (USARV, CORDS, USAID, Embassy, etc.), maps showing flight
patterns, after-flight spray reports, and other miscellaneous items.

The available data show that the spray missions in the vicinity of
the informants' village areas took place from 1965 to 1970. . The major

�Table I.
Herbicide missions near Ben-Het/Dak-Mot-Kram
A.
Agent

Jar

Feb

1967

0

2400

0

1968

6500

0

0

1969

Orange

Year

2100 9000

1970 47650 7900

area (Kontum Province)

Defoliation "issions
(Nuirbcr of gallons)

Mar Apr Kay Jun Jul Au-j fc-p Cct
1060 4150 0
0

0

9000 3000
3000

0

0
0

0

0
0

0

0

White

0

0

7900

16310

0

0

7000

0

15500

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

T o t a l

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

3000 3000

0

58550

4400

13200

22600 12200

34800

8800

0

0

0

0

69950 19300 15000 7860 4150 0

0

0

0

0 50200 74700

Agent

0

Crop Destruction Missior.2

Gallons

Month

Year

Blua

2300

August

1967

Orange

1460

July

1967

C.

85100

0

0

B.

0

11800 50200

0

1968

1969 11700

Dec Total

0

1969

• Blue

t:ov

Miscellaneous Missions

Agent

Gallons

Month

Year

Mission

Khite

600

August

1968

NIJF Cache Site

White

200

Auguot

1960

Military Perircter

0

17700
241160

�Table II.
Herbicide missions near Plei-Jar/Plei Kleng area (Kontura Province).
A.

Defoliation Missions
(Number of gallor.s)

Orange

Year

Jan

Fcb

Mar

Apr

I960

Agent

0

0

0

0

1969

3000 12000

0

0

Jul Aug Srp

Get

Nov

Dec

Total

0

0 3000

0

0

0 14600

6000

23600

0

0

0

0

0

0

5000

30900

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0 7000

0

1500 0

0

0

0

0

0

0

15500

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

3000

0

0 7000 22500 14000

6000 5000

1970 39GCO 314CO 28CCO

1968

Hay Jun

0

7900

0

0

3000

59800

10000

White

1969 11000

Dlue

0

1970

0

T o t a l

3000

3000

0

0

0

0

56600 43400 37800 5000 ?.500

B.

Gal Ions

0 3000

Miscellaneous Missions
(Agent White)

Uor.th

Year

200

Noveir.ber

I960

Military Perimeter

770

May

1969

Military Perir.eter

8

190800

�Table III.
Herbicide missions near Diic-Co/P.lni-Ngo.l-Drong area (Pleiku Province)
A.

Defoliation Missions: V i c i n i t y Highway 19
(NunJbcr of gallons)
Arr

May

Jim

Jul

&lt;"A!C

Sop

Cct

N'ov

Dec

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

5600

0

5800

0

0

0 I860

0

0

0

0

6850

0

8710

0 4750

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0 10000

0

14750

1969 5000 3000

Agent

Fcb Mar

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

8000

Year

Jan

1965

0

0

1967

0

0

1966

Total

Orange
0

1967

0

0

0

0 19530

0

2000 0

0 10500

19G8

0

0

0 6000 14700

cooo

3000 0

0

5COO

0 10500 30400 13300

7750 13300

53080

White

T o t a l

5000 7750

0 6000 34230 93f,C

0

0

0

0

B. .Miscellaneous Missions
(Agent V/hitie)
Gallons

Month

Year

Mission

550

Sept

1968

HLF Cache Site

100

Oct

19C8

Crop Destruction

200

Oct

1968

Military I'cri.r.cter

100

Hov

1968

Military Perimetex

220

Jun

1969

Military l-orii!"&lt;?tcr

Table IV.
Herbicide missions near Phu-Yen/Phu-Bon border area.
Crop Destruction Missions Since 1969
Agent

Golior.r,

.".or.th

Blue

3000

July

1969

Orange

2600

July

1969

Orange

1900

July

1970

317CO

122C-10

�spraying effort, however, began in 1967 and ended in 1970.

This confirms

the consensus of Hickey's informants that "...there had been many
spraying operations in [their areas] since 1957."

As shown by Tables I and II, the majority of missions in the relevant
areas of Kontum were for defoliation, used Agent Orange, and were carried
out during the dry season (November to March) . The majority of th'e
relevant missions in Pleiku were also for defoliation, as shown by Table
III, but Agent White made up 69 percent of the gallons sprayed, Agent
Orange comprising the other 31 percent.

Missions using Agent White were

carried out in both wet and dry months; Agent Orange was used essentially
only in dry months.

The crop sequence in both provinces, according to

Hickey, is as follows.
February.

The fields are prepared during January and

Depending on the beginning of the rainy season, the planting

of crops occurs from mid-April to early May.

The harvesting of most

crops takes place from mid-July to the end of October—depending on
when planted and time required for ripening—but some fruits and
vegetables are harvested into November and December.

With respect to

the possible spray damage of crops, it is of interest to note that MACV
established the following ral:es for herbicide agents used in crop
destruction missions in Kontum and Pleiku:
3 gal/acre;

rice, Agents Blue or Orange,

broadleaf crops, Agents Blue or Orange, 1-1/2 gal/acre;

The established rate for defoliation missions was 3 gal/acre.

10

�WERE TIE INFORMANTS SPRAYED?

A comparison of spray runs with areas inhabited by the informants
suggests that they were living in relatively close proximity to areas
targeted for defoliation and/or crop destruction.

The most distant any

group of settlements appear to have been from target coordinates is
about 15 km.

However, because at the time of spraying the location of

the informants and their settlements and swiddens cannot be precisely
determined, and because there is no way of proving that the spray runs
were made exactly along the paths outlined by the coordinates given,
there is no way of determining whether Hickey's informants were or were
not exactly in the paths of actual spray missions or whether they were
or were not close enough to have been affected by spray drift.

As noted above, the major objective of the relevant spray missions
in Kontum and Pleiku was defoliation.

Judging from the herbicide proposals

made by the province chiefs and the memorandums of U.S. officials, an
effort was made to prevent the sprayed chemicals from affecting the crops
of "friendly" Highlanders.

Contained in every province proposal was a

signed pledge by the province chief "....to pay compensation for damages
to the crops of the people affected by the spraying of defoliants."

This

was meant to apply, however, only to the crops of people living in RVNcontrolled areas.

In several RVN herbicide proposals this was explicitly

stated.
Judging from the herbicide proposals and memoranda in the mission
files, it was a known fact that Highlander settlements and swiddens were
located in or near the targeted areas.

11

The decision to go ahead with a

�given defoliation mission in spite of the Highlanders present was based
on a belief generally held by RVN and U.S. officials that the importance
of the mission outweighed the consequences to the human inhabitants.

The

decision was also rationalized in part by the fact that the target areas
were believed to be sparsely populated.

And, as one U.S. official put it,

not only are the target areas sparsely populated but the Highlanders "...
living in or adjacent to the targets are under enemy control and have been
for a number of years."

The implication of being controlled by the NLF/NVA,

as one RVN province official noted, is that the Highlanders were being
encouraged "...to increase production of rice and foods for them."

As

there was an existing herbicide program which targeted the destruction
of crops in NLF/NVA territory, the fact that the inhabitants in a
defoliation target might lose their crops was perhaps considered a bonus
for such missions.

Finally, it is relevant to note that neither RVN

nor U.S. officials believed the sprayed chemicals to be harmful in any
way to human beings or their domestic animals.

This was explicitly stated

in all province herbicide proposals and in a MACV directive "525-1" dated
February 15, 1966.

FACTORS OTHER THAN HERBICIDES

Assuming that the settlements and swiddens were directly in the paths
of herbicide runs or were hit by spray drift as described by the informants,
their perceptions of what happened as a result of exposure to chemicals
must be evaluated by a number of possible factors, the effects of which
cannot be known v/ith any certainty at this point in time.

12

Hickey

�notes for example, that:

i

"A difficult area of inquiry concerned possible deaths
due to the herbicides. Sickness and death are common
occurrences in highland villages, and infant mortality
is particularly high."
Wiersma (1970) suggests another factor:
"A complicating factor in Vietnam is the possibility that
the Vietnamese peasants are less resistant to toxins in
their environment than people who are living on proteinrich diets."

PROPAGANDA

Still another factor is propaganda.

The Highlanders have been

subjected to conflicting stories about the effects of chemicals both by
the RVN and the NLF since 1962 when herbicides were first tested in the
field in SVN.

In response to an RVN/U.S. test of Agent Blue on 750

acres of crops in the Highlander province of Phuoc-Long on November 21
and 23, 1962, the NLF on the 29lh of November reported the destruction
of 1,000 hectares of crops because of the spraying and claimed "...more
than 100 people suffered from sore eyes, that many persons were afflicted
with beriberi, and that a child had died."

Later, on December 1, the

DRVN broadcast that: "[the RVN/U.S.] spread noxious chemicals to destroy
crops, kill cattle, and poison the people with the aim
into concentration camps."

of forcing them

A North Vietnamese professor, Tran-Huu-Tuoc,

in an article published in Nhan-Dan in December 19G2, set forth the
basic belief held about the effects of herbicides on human beings and
domestic animals:
"Persons affected by the chemical are asphyxiated, vomit,
faint, or fall sick for 20 hours, and some even four days.

13

�Affected children are seriously ill, suffer hemorrhages,
or die. Poultry, pigs, dogs, and other animals that
drink chemical-poisoned water die, too."
Another DRVN/NLF assertion dealing with the use of chemicals was that
"poison was put into the people's water jars for the purpose of killing
them."

The RVN countered with their own propaganda about herbicides.

Every

province herbicide proposal contained a "Psywar/Civic Action Annex" which
outlined a plan of action.

The basic objective of the plan was to explain

and demonstrate the harmlessness of the chemical agents on human beings
and animals.

A countercharge was also supposed to be made to the NLF/NVA

"poison" charge.

In a Kontum herbicide proposal it was stated as follows:

"The population will be urged to be vigilant against
the enemy schemes: he may secretly put poison into
the wells or in the food, then charge the' government
with using poisonous defoliants when some local
residents are killed by the poison."

OVERVIEW

Judging from the available evidence, there can be no dispute about
the fact that Hickey's informants came from areas in Pleiku and Kontum
Provinces that were severely affected by the military compaigns which
took place between the beginning of 1965 and the end of 1970.

As

reported by the RVN government, 51,474 refugees in Kontum and 58,477
refugees in Pleiku had been resettled as of the end of 1970.

As shown

by the mission files, large areas of the relevant parts of both provinces
were sprayed with herbicides:
little over 123 000 gal

close to 438,000 gal

in Pleiku.

in Kontum and a

However, because of the uncertainties

�involved in locating the settlements of the informants at the time cf
spraying and in locating the spray run tracks, the question of whether
or how much the informants were directly or indirectly exposed to the
sprayed herbicides cannot be definitively answered.

REFERENCES
Wiersma, G.B. 1970.
Ecological impact of antiplant agents and
implications for future use. U.S. Army, Combat Development Command,
Institute of Land Combat.
Vietnam statistical yearbook, Vol. 16. 1970. Number of war
refugees, 1967 to 1970, Table 324, p0 391. National Institute of Statistics,
Republic of Vietnam. 410 ppn
Delmore, F«Jo and C.E. Minarik. 1962„ Destruction of Viet Cong
crops, RVN: attack of target 2-1, 21 and 23 November 1962. US/MACV,
3110, Ser. 00333, 26 Dec. 1962.
Hanoi. 1962. VNA broadcast in English to Europe and Asia 0639 GMT
10 Dec. 1962, concerning an article in Nhan-Dan by Prof. Tran-Huu-Tuoc.

�j'&amp;j

,

,%

.f

f*d cotton seedlings from. 2.25 kg/ha. Wheat and cucumber
seedlings were unharmed.
BE
ANALYSIS AND RESIDUES
328
McKoNE, C. E.; COTTERILL, E. G.
Extraction of
picloram residues from a sandy loam soil. Bulletin of
Environmental Contamination and Toxicology (1 974) 11 (3)
233-237 [En, 8 ref.] ARC Weed Res. Org., Yarnton, Oxford
0X5 IFF, UK.
The recovery was examined of low levels of picloram
(0.01 to 0.1 ppm.) at pll levels &gt; 7 from soil fortified in the
laboratory and from the same soil containing residues from a
dose of 1.5 Ib/acre applied 67 weeks before sampling. A
series of KOII conc,,s. were prepared in IG% KG! as
extractant. Aliquots were shaken with 25 g of. the soil to give
filtrate pH's in the range 7.2 to 11.6. The filtrate was
acidified to adjust the pH to &lt; 2,, partitioned into chloroform
containing 5% ethanol (see WA 21, 477) and methylated
• with diazomethane. The methyl ester was determined using a
1.5 m X 4 mm (internal diam.) glass column packed with
1.5% XE 60 on Chromosorb W and fitted with a 63Ni
electron capture detector. Operating conditions were [temps.
in °C\: column 180, injection port 215, detector 300, carrier
gas 80 ml/min oxygen-free Nj. The quantities of picloram
extracted were below the limit of detection (0.001 ppm.)
where the KOH solution was &lt;pH 8. Above pH 8 the
extractable picloram increased almost linearly to 0.038 ppm.
at the highest pH. With the fortified soil recovery was
obtained at all pH levels which ranged from 60% at pH 7.2
to 96% at pH 11.6. In another experiment using Ca(OH)2 as
extractant, selected as it conveniently buffered soils of varying
pH to pH 12.4, recovery from soil fortified with picloram in
the range 0.01 to 1 ppm. slightly exceeded 100%; Ca(OH)3
(at pH 12.4) also accounted for a considerable increase in
extractable picloram in field weathered residues compared
with KOH at pH 9.35.
JLM
329
ZAWADZKA, H.; ADAMCZEWSKA, M.; ELBANOWSKA,
H.
[Determination of simazine, atrazine and prometryne
in natural water and sewage by thin-layer chromatography.]
•

Health Aspects of Pesticides 73 - 3003.
The best conditions for the detection of small amounts of
simazine, atrazine and prometryne were determined in a
series of experiments. Abbott's method for the determination
of triazine herbicides [see WA 14, 1273] did not lend itself to
the detection of these substances in natural waters and
municipal sewage because of interfering impurities. The
method was modified by introducing an intermediate step of
extract purification consisting of column chromatography
with basic Al2Oa as the stationary phase and elution with
ethyl ether. The thin layer chromatographic results were
improved by the addition of fluorescein to the silica gel used
for coating of plates, u.v. irradiation of plates and reading
under a quartz lamp with a 254 nm filter. Detection of 2.5
ppb. of atrazine and simazine and of 0.5 ppb. prometryne was
possible.
330
BRUNS, V. F.; CARLILE, B. L.; KELLEY, A. D.
Responses and residues in sugarbccts, soybeans, and corn
irrigated with 2,4-D or silvex-treated water. Technical
Bulletin, Agricultural Research Service, United States
Department of Agriculture (1973) No. 1476, 32 pp. [En, 28
ref.] Irrig. Agric. Res. Ext. Cent., Prosser, Washington 99350,
USA.
See also WA 22, 2690. Analytical methods for
determining 2,4-D and silvex (fenoprop) residues in water,
soil and plant material were studied, tested, and modified in
preliminary laboratory experiments. The basic method used
involved the conversion of the alkanolamine salts of 2,4-D
and the propylene glycol butyl ether (PGBE) ester of
fenoprop to the methyl ester by esterification with boron
trifluoride in methanol, and the derivatives were measured on
a gas chromatograph equipped with an electron capture
detector. Residues detected were as low as 0.000 01-0.00004
ppm. in water, 0.0005-0.002 ppm. in soil and 0.005 ppm. in
plant material. In field trials, herbicides at 0.22-5.51 ppmw.
in 2 acre-inches of water (0.1-2.5 Ib/acre) were applied by
furrow irrigation on a fine sandy loam soil and concns. of
0.02-2.21 ppmw. were also applied by sprinkler irrigation. In
general, no edible purls of crops treated with 0.22-1.1 ppmw.
by furrow irrigation or with 0.02-0.22 ppmw. by sprinkler
irrigation contained detectable amounts of free 2,4-D or
fenoprop residues at harvest time. At the highest concns.

Weed Abstracts 1975 Vol. 24 No. 2
residues were detected but were many times less than the
official tolerance limits; irrigation with fcnoprop-treated water
before adequate degradation has occurred should probably be
avoided. From summary.
« PK
TOXICOLOGY
See also abst. 298.
331
WIESE, A. F.
Are herbicides environmental
contaminants? In Proceedings 27th Annual Meeting Southern
Weed Science Society. (1974) 1-7 [En, 28 ref.] Texas Agric.
Exp. Stn., Bushland, USA.
The author refutes assertions that herbicides cause longterm contamination of the environment by outlining
behaviour patterns of herbicides in the air, plants, soil and
water, and submits that the economic and other benefits
accruing from their use outweighs any possible undesirable
short-term effects.
JLM
332
BLASZYK, P.
[Chemical weed control in and near
drainage ditches from the point of view of agriculture.]
Schiftenreihe des Vercins fur Wasser-, Boden- und
Lufthygiene (1972) ,37, 187092 ,[De] Pflanzensch.utzamt
Oldenburg, Landwirtschaftskammer Weser Ems, German
Federal Republic. From Pesticides Abstracts 74 - 0609.
See also WA 22, 2077. The complex effect of chemical
weed control in and near drainage ditches in the Weser-Ems
region is assessed. The use,of herbicides over 10 years did not
result in any damage to domestic animals even though such
animals were given water exclusively from drainage ditches
with chemical weed control. The use of herbicides in
unfavourable conditions or not in the proper manner caused a
few fish deaths and adverse effects on birds.
333
HICKEY, G. C.
Perceived effects of herbicides
used in the highlands of South Vietnam. The effect of
herbicides in South Vietnam. Part B: Working papers.
Washington, D.C., USA; National Academy of Sciences.
(1974) 23 pp. [En] SE Asia Program, Cornell Univ., Ithaca,
New York 14850, USA.
Local informants on herbicide effects were interviewed.
were not anticipated; informants suggested that there were
some harmful effects on humans, animals and fish. The study
has been preliminary, however, and considerably more
investigation should be conducted.
PK
334
CARRIER, J. M.
The location of herbicide missions
and Hickey's informants in South Vietnam: an appraisal. The
effects of herbicides in South Vietnam. Part B: Working
papers. Washington, D.C., USA; National Academy of
Sciences. (1974) 15 pp. [En, 4 ref.] 17447 Castellammare
Drive, Pacific Palisades, California 90272, USA.
Appraisal of the data on herbicide effects collected in the
area surveyed by G.C. Hickcy in the above paper stresses the
difficulties involved in locating the settlements of the
informants at the time of spraying and the uncertainties of
ascertaining the degree of direct or indirect exposure to the
chemicals.
JLM
335
BOLIER, G.; MAAS, H. L. VAN DER; BOOTSMA, R.
The toxicity of the herbicide dichlobenil to goldfish
(Carassius auratud. [Paper in] 25s1" Internationaal Symposium
over Fytofarmacie en Fytiatrie. Part I. Mcdcdelingen
Fnkulteit Litndbouwwetcnschappen Gent (1973) 38 (3) 733740 [En, 9 ref.] Inst. Vet. Pharmacology &amp; Toxicology, Univ.
Utrecht, Netherlands.
Goldfish of average length 10 cm were maintained in
aquaria containing 6.4, 1.6, 0.4 and 0 mg dichlobcnil/litre for
3 months. During this period none died but those in the 6.4
mg/litre aquarium lost weight and exhibited abnormal
behaviour. Autopsies were carried out at the end of the trial.
Serum glutamine-pyruvate transaminase and alkaline
phosphatase levels were unaffected by exposure to the
herbicide, except for a significant increase in the level of the
latter en/ymc at the 1.6 mg dichlobenil/litre concn. Glucosc6-phosphatase activity of liver homogcnates was significantly
decreased at the 0.4 mg/litre eoncn. and significantly though
unexpectedly increased at the 0.4 mg/litre concn.
Considerable accumulation of residue in the body tissues was
found; concns. here were 15-20 times higher than in the
water. At the (&gt;.4 ing/litre and 1.6 mg/litre concns., several
fish developed ascites which was taken by the authors as the
first indication of dichlobenil toxicity and led them to
recommend a concn. of 1 mg dichlobenil/litrc as being sale

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